Mode share travel by public transportation, automobiles, bicycles, and ferries changed, [ 9 ] vehicle miles traveled fell, and motor vehicle speeds increased. The contemporaneous increase in street disorder in NYC reinforces this point.
There have been several anecdotal reports of increased reckless driving and other road incivilities. All these behaviors demand police traffic enforcement. New York State Senator Brad Hoylman has proposed combating these problems through legislation to lengthen the hours that speed cameras operate. While this change may help lower speeds within camera zones, it alone is insufficient to stop reckless driving and drag racing. Automated enforcement systems cannot act on intelligence, go to car meet-ups, and prevent drag racing ahead of time.
They cannot take dangerous motorists off the road; and sanctions are delivered in the mail, weeks after the infraction. Lastly, motivated traffic offenders such as those who drag race or ride ATVs on public streets easily avoid these cameras by removing their plates or affixing fraudulent plates.
Absent a valid license-plate image, cameras are useless. Halfway through , the NYPD noticed a sharp increase in temporary plates on the road.
The proliferation of fake plates was a predictable consequence of DMV closures and the loosening of temporary tag rules. Even if the technology can read the plate, the plate number does not lead back to a car. Since forged plates require special training and experience to detect, it was difficult to determine the scale and scope of this problem based solely on field observations.
They excluded New York plate numbers, approximately 2. This analysis identified 5, distinct out-of-state plate numbers that were fraudulent and that showed up on multiple cars—a conservative, lower- bound estimate because it required that the fake plate number was used on multiple cars, all of which had some type of police contact.
Consistent with observations from the field, the team found that Among them, the department identified several plate numbers that were each connected to more than 20 distinct vehicles. One New Jersey plate number showed up on 46 cars and was connected to 29 arrests. From March 12, , to December 31, , the department wrote 29, parking tickets to cars with fraudulent plates. In the same period of , the department wrote 2, parking tickets to cars bearing these fake plates.
Some police-reform advocates consider expired and fake temporary tags a minor offense; but motorists who use them are involved in a significant number of traffic problems. Since , cars with fake plates identified by the NYPD were connected to crashes and moving violations and were tagged with almost 60, parking tickets.
Again, these numbers are lower-bound estimates, as they account for only those plates that we have identified as fraudulent.
Traffic violations are not the only problem. From January 1, , to June 6, , these fake plates were connected to 1, arrests, including arrests for illegal guns, stolen cars, drunk driving, and leaving the scene of an accident.
In the first quarter of , officers made at least 48 gun arrests from cars that they identified with fake plates. These plates have also been seen on cars involved in at least 93 incidents of gun violence. The paper plate problem should temper expectations about automated traffic enforcement. It may change the behavior of most drivers, but data show that a substantial number of high-risk drivers will attempt to avoid camera detection.
Lastly, those who plan to use their cars in furtherance of more serious crimes will try to avoid the cameras, highlighting the necessity of police enforcement. One popular idea among some advocates of reform is to remove armed police officers from traffic enforcement and leave the task to unarmed personnel.
The argument here is that, among other things, the risks to nonpolice traffic-enforcement personnel would be low, citing the fact that just one in every 6, stops results in an assault on an officer and that an officer sustaining serious injury or death from a traffic stop is even rarer.
A few officers conduct the majority of stops, and they conduct several stops per day. Over the course of a career, these stops add up. A department that writes three-quarters of a million traffic summonses per year will have several officers assaulted every year.
Indeed, in , motorists used force against officers during stops. Home Office prioritises offences that are classified as notifiable crime—that includes causing death and serious injury by driving offences, but not the high volume driving offences of speeding, drink-driving, mobile phone use, etc.
Next time you read about crime going up or down, remember that they are referring to notifiable offences-- not those basic driving offences that endanger your life.
The police are evaluated on their effectiveness at dealing with notifiable offences—not driving offences. But their evaluation does not cover roads policing. It is not possible to know how many drivers were prosecuted for careless driving, using a mobile phone whilst driving, or detected speeding or running a red light. In , we published Lawless Roads. It analysed changes in these over the period and documented the:. We also analyse the statistics and produce briefings on key road crimes and the way they are sanctioned.
Our briefings include key calls on how to reduce the harm posed by these crimes. Drink driving remains a problem and recent national surveys suggest it is getting worse. And the police do too little. Best practice would see 18 times as many drivers breath tested each year.
Even those in casualty collisions are tested only half the time. RoadPeace wants to see drink driving made a notifiable offence by the Home Office and prioritised by the police. Our justice system is too lax on speeding. From intentions to actions: A theory of planned behavior.
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